Tuesday, November 19, 2013
Monday, August 26, 2013
އެއީ މަސްހޫރު ދީނީ އިލްމުވެރިޔާ އަދި ގިނަ އައްޑޫގެ ދަރިވަރުންތަކެއްގެ އުސްތާޒަކައް މީގެ އަހަރުތަކެއް ކުރިން އުޅުއްވި ށެއިޙް އިލްޔާސްގެ ބޭބެ ށެއިޙް އިދުރީސް އެވެ. އުސްތާޒުގެ ފިލާވަޅު ކިޔައިދެއްވުމުގާ ވަރައް ތަފާތު ގޮތްތައް ބޭނުންކުރައްވައެވެ. މިގޮތުން ގެންގުޅުއްވާ އެންމެ ހާއްސަ އެއް އުސޫލަކީ ދަރިވަރުންނައް ފިލާވަޅުތައް ފޮތުގައި ނޯޓްނުކުރެއްވުމައް ވިދާޅުވުމެވެ. އަބަދުވެސް ވިދާޅުވާނީ ފިލާވަޅުތައް ހިތުގައި ނޯޓްކުރުމަށެވެ. އަދި އުސްތާޒު ކިޔަވާ ދެއްވާއިރު ކުދިވެރިން މުޅިން ކަނުލާ އަޑުއެހުމަށާ ޑެސްކުއެއްކޮއް ސާފުކޮއް ބެހެއްޓުމައް އަންގަވައެވެ. ގިނަ ދަރިވަރުންނައް ގޭގާ އެތައް ދުވަހެއްގެ މަސައްކަތުން ދަސްނުވެ ހުންނަ ގުރުއާނުގެ ދިގު އާޔަތްތައް 3 ފަހަރު އުސްތާޒާ އެއްކޮއް ކިޔަން އަންގަވައެވެ. އޭގެފަހުން ކޮންމެ ކުއްޖަކު ވަކިވަކިން ކިޔާދިނުމަށް އަންގަވައެވެ. ޢޭރު ގިނަ ކުދިންނައް އެފިލާވަޅު ހިތުން ހުންނަނީ ދަސްވެފައެވެ! މާތް ﷲ އުސްތާޒައް ރަހުމަތް ލައްވާށިއެވެ.
Sunday, August 25, 2013
މިސްކިތަކީ ﷲ ގެ ގެކޮޅެވެ. އެތާނގާ ދުއާ ކުރެވޭނީ ﷲ އަށެވެ. އެތަނުގަ ކުރެވޭ ކަންތައްތަކުގެ ހުއްދަޔާ މަނާ ކަންތައް ކަނޑައެޅުއްވީ އެތަނުގެ ވެރިފަރާތުންނެވެ. އެހެން ބަޔެއްގެ ފަރާތުން ހުއްދަ ހޯދާކައް ނުޖެހޭނެއެވެ. ހިތާމައަކީ އަޅުގަނޑުމެންނަށް މިފަދަ އާދައިގެ ކަންތައްތައް އޮޅުންއަރާތީއެވެ. އަދި ވަކި ސިޔާސީ ފިކުރެއްގައި ޖެހި އަޅުގަނޑުމެންގެ އަގީދާއައްވުރެ ޕާޓީގެ ސިޔާސަތު އިސްކުރެވޭތީއެވެ.
މިފަދައިން ކަންތައް ކުރެވޭމީހުންނައް ލާދީނީ މީހުންނޭ ކިޔުން ހައްގެވެ. އަދި އެފަދަ ލާދީނީ އަމުރުތަކައް ތަބާވުން ނަހީވެގެން ވެއެވެ. އެހެނީ އެމީހެއްގެ ހިތުގާ ދީނައް ނަސްރު ދިނުމުގެ ޖޯށެއްނެތިފަ ޕާޓީ އައް ނަސުރު ދިނުމުގެ ބޭނުން ބޮޑުވެއްޖެމީހާގެ އީމާންތެރިކަމާމެދު އެމީހާ އަމިއްލައައް ސުވާލު އުފެއްދުން އެވަނީ ޖެހިފައެވެ. ކޮންމެ މީހަކުވެސް މަރުވާނެއެވެ. މަރުވުމައްފަހު ވެވުން ގާތްވެގެންވަނީ ޕާޓީގެ ޕޮލިސީތަކުގެ ސުވާލައްވުރެ ބޮޑައް އަގީދާގެ ސުވާލެވެ.
Saturday, August 24, 2013
Sunday, June 16, 2013
ގުރުއާން 300 ސަތޭކަ ހާފިޒުން އުފެއްދުމުގެ ބަދަލުގާ 300 ދީނީ އިލްމުވެރިން އުފައްދަން ސިޔާސަތުގާ ކަނޑައެޅިނަމަ ދީނައް ހިދުމަތް ކުރުމުގެ ނިޔަތެއް އޮތްކަމައް ބެލެވިދާނެއެވެ. އެހެނީ ދީނީ އިލްމުވެރިންނާ އަޅުވެރިން ގެ މިސާލަކީ ހަނދާ އިރުގެ މިސާލުފަދައެވެ. ދިވެހި ގައުމަށާ އިސްލާމީ އުއްމަތައް މިހާރު ބޭނުންވަނީ އިލްމުވެރިން އުފެއްދުމެވެ. އެބޭކަލުންގެ މަސައްކަތުން އިސާހިތަކު އަޅުވެރިން އުފެދިދާހުއްޓެވެ.
Thursday, May 9, 2013
At last the age of reason is beginning to dawn on to the western mind. Here we have experienced renown lawyers arguing that the current age of consent is wrong and it shall be lowered to 13. We Muslims have always maintained that the ‘age of consent’ or age of marriage shall be determined by when a person biologically becomes mature. The problem of working with an artificial age is at last dawning on them and yet it has received tough reception from the media. Most people are just programmed to repeat rather than think independently, and those who can think do not dare say the truth for fear of persecution. In Islam we are told to hold fast to the truth whatever the consequences.
Below is the story in spiked
Wednesday 8 May 2013
I do not support the persecution of old men. The manipulation of the rule of law by the Savile Inquisition – otherwise known as Operation Yewtree – and its attendant zealots poses a far graver threat to society than anything Jimmy Savile ever did.
Now even a deputy speaker of the House of Commons is accused of male rape. This is an unfortunate consequence of the present mania for policing all aspects of personal life under the mantra of ‘child protection’.
We have been here before. England has a long history of do-gooders seeking to stamp out their version of sexual misconduct by force of the criminal law. In the eighteenth century, the quaintly named Society for the Reformation of Manners funded prosecutions of brothels, playwrights and gay men.
In the 1880s, the Social Purity movement repeatedly tried to increase the age of consent for girls from 13 to 16, despite parliament’s resistance. At that time, puberty for girls was at age 15 (now it is 10). The movement’s supporters portrayed women as fragile creatures needing protection from men’s animal impulses. Their efforts were finally rewarded after the maverick editor of the Pall Mall Gazette, WT Stead, set up his own secret commission to expose the sins of those in high places.
After procuring a 13-year-old girl, Stead ran a lurid exposé of the sex industry, memorably entitled ‘The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon’. His voyeuristic accounts under such titles as ‘Strapping girls down’ and ‘Why the cries of the victims are not heard’ electrified the Victorian public. The ensuing moral panic resulted in the age of consent being raised in 1885, as well as the criminalisation of gross indecency between men.
By contrast, the goings-on at the BBC in past decades are not a patch on what Stead exposed. Taking girls to one’s dressing room, bottom pinching and groping in cars hardly rank in the annals of depravity with flogging and rape in padded rooms. Yet the Victorian narrative of innocents despoiled by nasty men endures.
What is strikingly different today is how Britain’s law-enforcement apparatus has been infiltrated by moral crusaders, like the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) and the National Association for People Abused in Childhood (NAPAC). Both groups take part in Operation Yewtree, which looks into alleged offences both by and not by Savile.
These pressure groups have a vested interest in universalising the notion of abuse, making it almost as prevalent as original sin, but with the modern complication that it carries no possibility of redemption, only ‘survival’. The problem with this approach is that it makes abuse banal, and reduces the sympathy that we should feel for victims of really serious assaults (1).
But the most remarkable facet of the Savile scandal is how adult complainants are invited to act like children. Hence we have witnessed the strange spectacle of mature adults calling a children’s charity to complain about the distant past.
The NSPCC and the Metropolitan Police Force produced a joint report into Savile’s alleged offending in January 2013, called Giving Victims a Voice. It states: ‘The volume of the allegations that have been made, most of them dating back many years, has made this an unusual and complex inquiry. On the whole victims are not known to each other [sic] and taken together their accounts paint a compelling picture of widespread sexual abuse by a predatory sex offender. We are therefore referring to them as “victims” rather than “complainants” and are not presenting the evidence they have provided as unproven allegations[italics added].’ The report also states that ‘more work still needs to be done to ensure that the vulnerable feel that the scales of justice have been rebalanced’.
Note how the police and NSPCC assume the roles of judge and jury. What neither acknowledges is that this national trawl for historical victims was an open invitation to all manner of folk to reinterpret their experience of the past as one of victimisation (2).
The acute problems of proof which stale allegations entail also generates a demand that criminal courts should afford accusers therapy, by giving them ‘a voice’. This function is far removed from the courts’ traditional role, in which the state must prove defendants guilty beyond reasonable doubt.
What this infantilising of adult complainants ultimately requires is that we re-model our criminal-justice system on child-welfare courts. These courts (as I have written in spikedpreviously) have for some decades now applied a model of therapeutic jurisprudence, in which ‘the best interests of the child’ are paramount.
It is depressing, but true, that many reforms introduced in the name of child protection involve sweeping attacks on fundamental Anglo-American legal rights and safeguards, such as the presumption of innocence. This has ominous consequences for the rule of law, as US judge Arthur Christean pointed out: ‘Therapeutic jurisprudence marks a major and in many ways a truly radical shift in the historic function of courts of law and the basic purpose for which they have been established under our form of government. It also marks a fundamental shift in judges’ loyalty away from principles of due process and toward particular social policies. These policies are less concerned with judicial impartiality and fair hearings and more concerned with achieving particular results…’
The therapeutic model has certain analogies with a Soviet-style conception of justice, which emphasises outcomes over processes. It’s not difficult, then, to see why some celebrity elderly defendants, thrust into the glare of hostile publicity, including Dalek-style utterances from the police (‘offenders have nowhere to hide’), may conclude that resistance is useless. But the low-level misdemeanours with which Stuart Hall was charged are nothing like serious crime.
Touching a 17-year-old’s breast, kissing a 13-year-old, or putting one’s hand up a 16-year-old’s skirt, are not remotely comparable to the horrors of the Ealing Vicarage assaults and gang rape, or the Fordingbridge gang rape and murders, both dating from 1986. Anyone suggesting otherwise has lost touch with reality.
Ordinarily, Hall’s misdemeanors would not be prosecuted, and certainly not decades after the event. What we have here is the manipulation of the British criminal-justice system to produce scapegoats on demand. It is a grotesque spectacle.
It’s interesting that two complainants who waived anonymity have told how they rebuffed Hall’s advances. That is, they dealt with it at the time. Re-framing such experiences, as one solicitor did, as a ‘horrible personal tragedy’ is ironic, given that tragoidia means the fall of an honourable, worthy and important protagonist.
It’s time to end this prurient charade, which has nothing to do with justice or the public interest. Adults and law-enforcement agencies must stop fetishising victimhood. Instead, we should focus on arming today’s youngsters with the savoir-faire and social skills to avoid drifting into compromising situations, and prosecute modern crime. As for law reform, now regrettably necessary, my recommendations are: remove complainant anonymity; introduce a strict statute of limitations for criminal prosecutions and civil actions; and reduce the age of consent to 13.
Barbara Hewson is a barrister at Hardwicke in London.
(1) Moral Crusades in an Age of Mistrust, by Frank Furedi, Palgrave Macmillan, 2013 pp60-61; ‘No Law in the Arena’, by Camille Paglia, included in Vamps & Tramps: New Essays, Penguin, 1995, pp24-25
(2) Moral Crusades in an Age of Mistrust, by Frank Furedi, Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, p70
reprinted from: http://www.spiked-online.com/site/article/13604/
Sunday, May 5, 2013
Minivan News is the most successful online news outlets in the country and this is where most of the Dhivehi kuffar hangs out to band together and insult Islam.
The format is very predictable. Some writer writes about some issue and laces the story or the heading with the magic words “Islam, Adhaaalath, scholar, extremist” etc and the story automatically gets the attention of the kuffar. Then the kuffar band together and start writing insulting comments to the bottom of the story. Although the story maybe about anything, its Islam, Adhaaalath party Shaheem and Imran who receives most of the insults. Very predictable and uninspiring. The local kuffar seems forever locked in a track which makes them blind to anything but hatred of Islam. There are disbelievers everywhere who can be civil to people who can continue life without insulting the belief of others, but from the vocal minority we have here, it seems like that we have the brand of intolerant firebrand extremists here.
What has to happen is for fellow Muslim brothers and sisters to realize the size of the problem we are up against. We need to understand our enemies to see their weaker point. These are generally half-uneducated, frustrated, disillusioned people generally with no bearing in life ranting against god! Our politicians are using these materials to fill their ranks with and ultimately make these people leaders amongst us. But why shall we let this happen? Why shall we confine our virtues to mosque and be subservient to the laadheenee people? Why shall they care about politics and we shall care only about mosque? Are they also not slaves of god weather they believe it or not?
For this the traditional mantra will not work. We need objective hard hitting points to score debates with kuffar. We need to answer their questions with knowledge and relevant background info to make them realize that they are not in haqq. Most of the questions they pose are elementary anti Islam material googled from Ali Sina and the like. Nor is it good to throw them with quruanic Ayaath and ahaadhees when they have firmly rejected them without second thoughts. Most of them have already made up their mind and taken enmity against Islam in ignorance. For these reasons we shall change tact, the traditional kind of dawa doesn’t work on them. We need to show them their illogical positions from their lifestyle and lack of belief. Most of these local kuffar keep a fairly open update online version of them on internet and browsing through their digital life, one can only feel sorry for their hard love-less dry life. By comparison, Alhamdhulillah, we Muslims live with so much blessings and love they really will envy us if not their hearts are blind.
Below are some links in Minivan with prolific kuffar comments to prove the point.
Sunday, April 28, 2013
Or Friday Khuthba’s have a big problem. In fact it has been problematic for quite some time now. And the problem seems to be in the message of the khuthba. The current format of the khuthba is over used so much that old timers most of the time are seen sleeping when the imam delivers the kuthba. They do so because of boredom. This is a very serious issue which needs to be addressed. It’s not that there is lack of content in Islamic literature to go on, to relate a beautiful piece of advice from history and sunnah. But rather it’s because of the poor quality of khuthba writing which only means whoever is responsible for this task is clearly not up to job. In our current times, information is so much more readily available than in the past and people have so many questions they would need to ask. As such Friday kuthbas are the perfect opportunity to educate the masses about the beauty, justice and grandeur of Islam.
Our solution to this problem of the kuthba could be to open the kuthbas for public as a competition to compose. This could be very well implemented in educational facilities with a price to the best compositions and recognition of merit. This way people could be motivated to seek more knowledge to relate to others and dramatically improve the content of kuthbas.
Thursday, March 14, 2013
The recent decision by Azeri secular government is just another clear case of minority oppressing the majority.
This is about the ruling elite who belong to the secular minority which shall not be bigger than 7% deciding the way how muslims shall dress!
But all this was prophesied long ago by our beloved prophet.
Narrated Thauban: "The Prophet peace be upon him said: 'The nations shall gather and team up against you (i.e., Muslims) as the predators gather and team up against their preys. A questioner asked: 'Is it because of us being low in numbers at that day?' The Prophet replied: 'No, you that day shall be in great numbers, but you will be as powerless as the foam of the water on the surface of the river, and Allah shall remove any fear from your enemies toward you, and He shall put in your hearts a corruption.' A questioner asked: 'O Apostle of Allah, what is the corruption?' The Prophet replied: 'The love of life's amusements and the fear of death.' (Translation of Sunan Abu Dawud, The Book of Fierce Battles - The Gathering of all Nations against Islam, Book 37, Number 4297)"
Tuesday, March 12, 2013
The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) said “That which is lawful is clear, and that which is unlawful is also quite clear. Between these two is that which is ambiguous, which most people do not know. One who avoids the doubtful safeguards his faith and his honor.”
——— Riyadh-us-Salaheen, Hadith 588.
- ► August (3)